Citizens' Update

Politifax January 11

Wed, 11 Jan 2006 11:35:34 -0500

Politifax has given us permission to reprint their Around the State column.

Around the State

Atlantic
SWITCH. Former Assemblyman and Linwood Mayor Paul D'Amato, last seen withdrawing from politics after losing a battle with Bill Gormley, switched to the Democrats at a gathering of only four people, including Rob Andrews. The move set off a frenzy of speculation about what D'Amato would run for. One scenario has him taking on Gormley next year. Another has him running for an Assembly seat with Jim Whelan challenging Gormley. A third has him going after County Executive Dennis Levinson. D'Amato warned everybody not to jump to conclusions, which lends credence to the suggestion of one avid Atlantic watcher that he may aim at Frank LoBiondo's seat this year.

Essex
HITCH. We're not sure it means a whole lot, but Sharpe James picked up petitions for the mayoral race as soon as they were available. So did Councilman Hector Corchado; Councilwoman Bessie Walker, who'll run for Mayor only if James doesn't; and Sprint project manager David Blount. Neither Cory Booker and Ron Rice showed up the first day, but both told The Star-Ledger they're running. Booker backed the claim by signing Message and Media for his campaign. That's a big deal not only because Brad Lawrence and Steve DeMicco's shop is the state's hottest Democratic consulting firm but also because, four years ago, it was part of the James team. One other thing: Last week, we reported that Dick Codey appointed Charlie Jones, a key James operative from Union County, to the Parole Board. Well, Jones may not be out of the political action. It seems that Ray Lesniak is blocking the appointment for reasons unknown.

Gloucester
ANOTHER SWITCH. This is getting to be an epidemic. Washington Township Republican Chairman Vince D'Ambrosio resigned and switched parties. Frank Cianci, his predecessor in the party post, had done the same thing about a year ago. Howard Pachasa, who took over the party reins told the Courier-Post, however, that "This current chairman will not be switching parties."

Passaic
NICHE. For about a month there've been reports that Peter Murphy is trying to make a comeback. (The former GOP Chairman, you'll recall, was convicted of promoting bribery and mail fraud and served less than a year of a 43-month sentence before a federal Appeals Court overturned his conviction.) One reported scheme had Murphy, with Frank Catania as Co-Chairman, replacing Mike Mecca immediately. Mecca scotched that one by insisting he intends to serve until his term expires in June. The latest, though, is that GOP leaders in the county's four largest municipalities -- Paterson, Clifton, Passaic, and Wayne -- have banded together to back Wayne Mayor Scott Rumana in June, a move that would put an end to a Murphy return to power.

Monmouth
RICH. The county GOP may've had a tumultuous year, but there's no end of hopefuls -- 10 of them, in fact -- who'd like to succeed Amy Handlin once she steps down from the Freeholder Board after having been elected to the Assembly. GOP Chairman Fred Niemann will call a county convention to select a successor, and the winner will serve this year and presumably get the party's endorsement for a special election this year to fill the final year of Handlin's term.

Salem
TWITCH. County Republicans took a big hit last November, dropping from a 3-4 deficit on the Freeholder Board to a short end of a 2-5 breakdown. What's more, the Republicans lost a defamation suit to Democrat Charles Sullivan, whom they accused in a campaign piece of claiming that the county tax rate is "not my problem." Now, incumbent Ben Simmermon, a defendant in that defamation suit, has announced he won't run for reelection, leaving the GOP to find two new candidates for this year's ballot spots.

POLITIFAX, New Jersey's premiere political news publication, can be purchased for 46 issues a year for $329. Contact pltifxnj@earthlink.net for subscription information... and if you do, let them know you heard about them through the Citizens' Campaign.

Ethics reform milestone

Mon, 9 Jan 2006 11:04:02 -0500

Asbury Park Press
January 9, 2006

Ordinances passed by more than 60 municipalities committed to reducing the influence of money in political campaigns received the blessing of the state Thursday when acting Gov. Codey signed a law allowing local and county governments to have stronger pay-to-play laws than the state's loophole-ridden version. It is an important step in keeping the drive toward meaningful ethics reform on track.

Towns across the state have banned or limited pay-to-play, the legal but expensive practice of awarding government contracts to political donors. It is a hidden tax because the contract price is often boosted to cover the contribution, which jacks up the cost of government.

The local ordinances would have been superseded by the state law, which took effect New Year's Day, if S-1987 had not been enacted. "The forces of reform have scored a victory over the political bosses," said Sen. Peter A. Inverso, R-Mercer, one of the bill's sponsors.

The state law bans contracts of more than $17,500 from being given to businesses that made donations to the elected officials awarding the contract or their political party committees unless awarded through a "fair and open process."

But "fair and open" is subject to local interpretation, those who own less than 10 percent of a business are not covered and nothing prevents 'wheeling,' the transfer of money from one county's political party committee to another county.

The Legislature must address those weaknesses to catch up or pass the more progressive towns and counties in effecting comprehensive campaign finance reform. The minority Republican legislators are already on board. Monmouth Assemblyman Michael J. Panter, another of the bill's sponsors, and his Democratic colleagues must continue to push their party's leadership, which has been slow to embrace the top-to-bottom reform the public demands and deserves.

Citizens should join Corzine in fight for reform

Harry S. Pozycki — Mon, 9 Jan 2006 11:01:56 -0500

Bergen Record
January 9, 2006

As a new governor prepares to take office, New Jersey has begun to make progress in combating the political corruption that wastes tax dollars, distorts our politics and hurts our state's image. New Jersey now has significant pay-to-play protections on the state level - protections that reduce the link between political contributions and lucrative state contracts.

Further, legislation giving municipalities and counties clear and broad enabling authority to continue to adopt their own strong pay-to-play reforms was signed into law.

These and other reforms have been adopted because New Jersey citizens have begun to stand up and say no to the business-as-usual political practices that have cost our state so much.

For example, citizens and local elected officials in more than 60 New Jersey municipalities have gained adoption of strong local pay-to-play laws by personally petitioning their town councils and sometimes by forcing binding voter referendum on reform. And during the gubernatorial campaign, political corruption emerged as one of the two top issues of concern in all of the public opinion polls, with pay to play reform identified as the number one reform solution.

This wave of constructive citizen action and growing civic responsibility provides a foundation that Governor-elect Jon Corzine can build on. However, the new governor's reform agenda needs to go beyond specific new legislation and executive branch ethics improvements.

While winning the adoption of comprehensive pay-to-play reform and adopting executive branch ethics improvements are essential, they are not sufficient to change New Jersey's political culture for the long-term.

A new political culture that puts people before political bosses can only emerge through the stepped-up participation of New Jersey's citizens in government and politics. After all, political corruption has thrived in this state in large measure because citizens have remained on the sidelines.

Most New Jersey citizens know little or nothing about our state's power structure. Furthermore, research shows that New Jerseyans know less about their elected officials and state government than residents of other states. This is due mainly to the absence of New Jersey broadcast television news and a fragmented newspaper market.

Corzine should set a goal of making New Jersey's citizenry the most politically informed and powerful in the nation. As President Kennedy used the bully pulpit to issue a ringing call to service for a new generation and new programs such as the Peace Corps, Corzine should use the spotlight that only a governor can shine on a problem to enlist New Jersey citizens in the fight to reform our state.

This gubernatorial call-to-arms could include new programs to teach citizens how the political power structure works and about their legal rights, and to hold political and governmental leaders accountable. The plan could also include a gubernatorial initiative to open up the government appointments process so that more citizens can bring their leadership into public service.

For example, Rutgers University and other state colleges could be used to launch an aggressive adult education program to train adults in how to use their inherent power as citizens to improve their local, county and state governments. Further, Corzine could encourage all New Jerseyans to participate as members of local, county and state government boards and commissions.

To ensure that regular citizens have the opportunity to participate, Corzine can tear down the closed shop of government appointments by adopting a directory that lists all government appointments and vacancies, and guarantees an open selection process.

Our experience is that when New Jerseyans are asked to participate and are equipped with the tools and political education to exercise power, they respond.

Corzine has the unique opportunity to cultivate this fertile soil by empowering and challenging New Jersey's citizens to take responsibility for reforming the politics, and holding accountable, the governments of their towns and this state.

Victory for open government activists

Tom Jennemann — Mon, 9 Jan 2006 10:49:43 -0500

Hoboken Reporter
January 8, 2006

Over the past several years, there has been a growing movement by good government activists to add transparency and openness to government, especially in monitoring campaign contributions.

In September of 2004, the Hoboken City Council passed an ordinance that requires all developers seeking variances, waivers, or exceptions from the City's conventional development regulations to disclose how much campaign cash they gave to elected officials, political committees, and political parties that fund City of Hoboken elections.

The same goes for developers seeking any development approvals within the city's redevelopment zones.

In the courts
That ordinance was recently challenged in New Jersey Superior Court by Cingular Wireless, a company that wants to install several wireless communication facilities in Hoboken.

Because several of the proposed locations for the antennas were in redevelopment areas, Cingular was required by ordinance to disclose what they have contributed to area politicians.

In October, Cingular filed for injunctive relief, restraining the city and the board from enforcing the ordinance. Lawyers for the corporation argued that the disclosure ordinance "effectively prevents Cingular's application from ever reaching the board for determination on the merits" of the application.

Cingular also argued that the ordinance is unconstitutional and imposes a "duplicative and unnecessary burden" for individuals who contribute to political campaigns.

In a strongly worded decision, Superior Court Judge Barbara A. Curran said that she recognizes that 'reporting of financial disclosure information is complicated sometimes, but it is necessary and it does serve a public purpose.'

The judge ruled that that the developer disclosure requirements in the city's redevelopment zones were not "arbitrary or capricious," and added that the Hoboken City Council has the right to ensure that the development process is as open and transparent as possible.

"Frankly," Curran said in her ruling, "in a city as densely populated as Hoboken, the money is to be made...within the blighted redevelopment areas."

Curran added that the "the opportunity for improper conduct or undue influences are ripe within the redevelopment area. The municipality has recognized that and is, through this ordinance, attempting to rectify that concern."

She added the law authorizes Hoboken to enact ordinances "to promote the public health, safety, morals and general welfare."

A major win
The Planning Board's attorney argued the city's position. In addition, the Citizens' Campaign, a non-partisan grassroots group dedicated to increasing the power of citizens and reducing the influence of political money, submitted an amicus brief to the court.

Harry Pozycki, chairman of the Citizens Campaign, said that the over the past several years, major redevelopment projects in the state have been tainted by the undue influence of large campaign contributions. He added that this case has upheld the right of citizens to know if large campaign contributions or sound public planning is driving redevelopment work.

"This ruling is a victory for the citizens throughout New Jersey that have been passing pay-to-play reform and developer disclosure ordinances," said Pozycki. "This is especially a sweet victory for the citizens of Hoboken."

Latest on pay to play reform
This is just one in a recent series of victories for local advocates of campaign finance reform. In December the state Senate unanimously passed legislation that will allow Hoboken's more stringent anti-pay to play law to override the weaker state version.

Last November, Hoboken voters, by a 9 to 1 margin, passed a citywide referendum limiting how much funding prospective city contractors could contribute to local political campaigns. The idea was to cut the expectation that people doing business with City Hall would be involved in "pay to play," or donating money in order to get work.

Giving money and getting city work as a result is illegal, but it is often hard to prove a correlation. Some contractors might donate to a city government they support. But if their donations are limited, there is a smaller chance that city officials will be influenced by campaign contributions.

Last year, the state Senate passed its own pay to play reform bill, which will go into effect in January. Normally, state law overrides local law, so there were legitimate concerns from government watchdog groups that tougher local laws could have been voided by the weaker state law.

State Sen. Joseph F. Vitale (D-Middlesex) and Republican Sen. Peter Inverso (R-Mercer) sponsored legislation that would allow local governments to enact their own versions of pay-to-play reform and to allow existing local reforms to remain. The enabling legislation was sent to the floor of the Senate and it passed without opposition.

Codey allows tougher laws on pay-to-play

Gregory J. Volpe — Fri, 6 Jan 2006 16:30:47 -0500

Courier Post
Jan 6, 2006

TRENTON--Acting Gov. Richard J. Codey signed a law Thursday allowing local and county governments to have stronger pay-to-play bans than the one that took effect by state law Sunday.

"Today we take another step forward toward real ethical reform in New Jersey," Codey said in a prepared statement.

Some 60 municipalities and counties have already passed their restrictions on pay-to-play, most stricter than the state's.

Those local governments without their own rules limiting pay-to-play, the practice of giving government contracts to political donors, will fall under the state's restrictions.

State law bans contracts over $17,500 from being given to a business that made a donation to the elected officials awarding the contract, or their political party committee -- unless they are awarded through a "fair and open process."

Critics have said the state law has loopholes including letting local governments decide what's a fair and open process, not limiting donations from those who own less than 10 percent of the business and not preventing 'wheeling' donations through county political parties or neighboring towns.

State Sen. Peter Inverso, R-Hamilton, Mercer County, a sponsor of the law signed Thursday, said he was pleased local governments will be able to set their own restrictions but said lawmakers need to enact more comprehensive reform at all levels.

"The forces of reform have scored a victory over the political bosses and now we must use this accomplishment to return politics to the people," Inverso said.

Local 'pay to play' laws are protected

Fri, 6 Jan 2006 16:26:32 -0500

Associated Press
Jan 5, 2006

TRENTON - Towns and counties can continue to enact measures banning pay-to-play that are stronger than the state law to deter the practice of awarding no-bid government contracts to political donors, under a bill signed into law yesterday by acting Gov. Richard J. Codey.

"Today we take another step forward toward real ethical reform in New Jersey," said Codey, who also commended the state Senate for passing a bill yesterday that would create a more independent ethics commission. That bill is scheduled for a vote by the Assembly on Monday, the final day of the legislative session.

A sponsor of the pay-to-play law, Sen. Peter Inverso, R-Mercer and Middlesex, said it would preserve local laws in more than 60 communities from being superseded by a weaker state law that took effect Jan. 1.

The law signed yesterday also requires companies and people getting public contracts at any level of government in New Jersey to disclose political contributions made in the year preceding their bid.

"This is the ultimate home rule measure because it gives counties, municipalities and school boards the leeway to decide for themselves if they want tougher prohibitions against pay-to-play political contributing and government contracting," said another sponsor, Assemblywoman Linda Greenstein, D-Mercer and Middlesex.

Politifax January 4

Thu, 5 Jan 2006 10:41:20 -0500

Politifax has given us permission to reprint their Around the State column.

Around the State

Essex
STILL UNDECIDED. We still have no idea whether Sharpe James will run for another term as Newark Mayor, but there was a development over the holidays. Charlie Jones, who has been James's political major domo ever since Calvin West went over to work for the Governor, was appointed to the Parole Board. Now, nobody assumes the SPAG did this without James's active involvement. So, people have been taking to reading tea leaves about the appointment. Is it just a business-as-usual reward for a faithful lieutenant? Or is it James taking care of a key guy prefatory to bowing out of the race?

The Transition Watch
UNDERSTAFFED? Several of our regular interlocutors suggested we go back four years to see how quickly Jim McGreevey selected his cabinet. Well, we did and by the time we got back from our winter solstice break in 2002 McGreevey had named his Attorney General and his Education, Personnel, Labor, and Health commissioners -- and we described even that comparative deluge as an "unaccelerated pace." (We also noted that the press wouldn't continue to give the new Governor a bye much longer if he continued his secretive ways. (Of course, the most interesting development of those post-Christmas weeks was that McGreevey announced his intention to be called James E. How soon we forget!) So far this time, we've got only a Secretary of State -- Nina Mitchell Wells, who has been Vice President of Public Affairs at Schering-Plough and an Assistant Dean at Rutgers Law School and who is married to Superattorney Ted Wells, whose most recent high profile client is Scooter Libby - and an Adjutant General at the Department of Military and Veterans' Affairs -- Brigadier General Glenn Reith, reappointed, because, aside from his notable qualities, nobody wants to change the top guy while the war plans against Delaware are being drawn up. [Sidebar: This timetable of Corzine Cabinet appointees doesn't include the scarce few minutes everybody's favorite political website carried a report that Zulima Farber would be AG before the announcement was taken down. We have no idea what that was about.]

The Assembly Rookie Watch
MARCIA KARROW. In our final non-verse issue before the holidays we missed the Hunterdon County Republican freshman (District 23). Karrow has been a Freeholder since 1999 and, before that a Raritan Township Committeewoman for nine years, including a stint as Mayor in 1998. She also worked for Treasury for several years managing the portfolio of state assets and writing the interdepartmental capital budget for the state. A committed tax watchdog both as an elected and an appointed official, she has asked to serve on the Budget, Appropriations, Environment, and State Government committees.

POLITIFAX, New Jersey's premiere political news publication, can be purchased for 46 issues a year for $329. Contact pltifxnj@earthlink.net for subscription information... and if you do, let them know you heard about them through the Citizens' Campaign.

In New Jersey, Party Bosses Meld Politics and Business

David Kocieniewski — Tue, 3 Jan 2006 16:43:37 -0500

New York Times
Jan 1, 2006

TOMS RIVER, N.J. - Construction is expected to begin this year on a condominium project that will add cars to clogged roads, tax the sewer system and strain the nearly depleted water supply of this growing suburb along the Jersey shore.

Getting the go-ahead to build near a congested stretch of Route 9 in Dover Township required an assortment of special arrangements including zoning changes that hinged on the support of local officials.

It also had the help of John A. Lynch Jr., one of New Jersey's political power brokers.

For years, the controversial 348-unit townhouse project called JSM at Hickory had languished, but the developer, Jack S. Morris, had the friendship and support of Mr. Lynch, a Democratic Party leader based in Middlesex County.

The two men sprinkled around campaign contributions and helped elect a new mayor, who then revived the moribund plan. The rest soon fell into place.

The saga of JSM at Hickory is a classic illustration of how citizens' concerns about traffic, pollution and overcrowded schools can be overcome by money and political connections.

It is one small, striking example of the impact of New Jersey's political boss system.

In New Jersey, say those who try to get things done, it is also typical of the way things work.

Governor-elect Jon S. Corzine, a novice to politics in 1999, understood that from the start.

To ease his way into the state, he immediately started donating more than $4 million worth of the fortune he made on Wall Street to a handful of Democratic Party power brokers around New Jersey.

Among them was Mr. Lynch, then the Senate minority leader, who had declared himself an early supporter of Mr. Corzine's run for the United States Senate and later received more than $1 million from him for his various campaign funds and political action committees.

Yet Mr. Corzine, who has given more money to the Democratic political machine than anyone in New Jersey history, was elected governor in November on a promise to rein in the bosses.

"I want to be very clear: Our government should not and will not be about economic opportunities for politicians or anyone else," Mr. Corzine said during an election night victory speech so fiery, he repeatedly pounded the rostrum.

But even with the vast powers that New Jersey's governor holds - he is the only statewide elected official - Mr. Corzine's ability to loosen the party leaders' grip on power will not be easy.

For one, state law makes most of their activities perfectly legal.

"It's not unusual," said Alan Marcus, a lobbyist and registered Republican who calls Mr. Lynch a friend. "It's common. And until somebody makes it illegal, they're going to keep doing it."

And, in New Jersey, it remains strong, despite increased public scrutiny - and even as similar systems have eroded elsewhere.

The Democratic leaders operate a kind of unelected, permanent government, working behind the scenes with a complicated tangle of interests to control what gets done in their part of the state and beyond.

While acting as emissaries between regulated businesses and the office holders who regulate them, the bosses amass millions of dollars in donations to distribute or withhold, as they see fit.

A System Dominated by Money

And in a bit of New Jersey alchemy, many of the power brokers mix business and politics and make handsome profits for themselves - often representing the special interests that tend to drive the problems that state residents find most troublesome: sprawl, pollution, sky-high property taxes and a culture of pay-to-play and patronage that drives up pension costs, say leaders of groups that are critical of the system.

"The way that New Jersey's political system runs now, it is so dominated by money and the powers and special interests who can use it for leverage, that ordinary citizens don't have a voice," said Harry Pozycki, who defied Mr. Lynch as a Middlesex County elected official years ago, and now heads the statewide watchdog group called the Citizens Campaign. "And they don't have a chance unless things change."

As much as the term "boss" has been tossed around in recent years to describe New Jersey's political powerhouses, there remain widespread misconceptions about who they are. The bosses are not cigar-chomping cartoon villains, born in some back room then set loose to strangle the state in a web of money, power and influence. They are, in some cases, elected officials, such as Newark's Mayor Sharpe James, who is also a state senator, and State Senator Raymond Lesniak of Union County. In other cases, they hold neither elected office nor any official party position. Neither Mr. Lynch, for example, or George E. Norcross III, the Commerce Bank executive who operates a sprawling political empire from his base in Camden County, hold official party titles.

Many have an impressive political and personal pedigree, and some can point to a substantial record of public service. Mr. Lynch, for example, is the son of a former State Senate president who grew up in New Jersey politics and polished his credentials by finishing fifth in his class at Georgetown University Law Center in 1975. He was elected mayor of New Brunswick, where he was widely lauded for reviving the blighted city. He served in the State Senate, winning respect for his unparalleled skill at balancing politics and policy, and followed in his father's footsteps to become Senate president in 1990.

He was even considered a likely candidate for governor as recently as the late 1980's, but those prospects dimmed when he married a woman whose brother, Louis Auricchio, was associated with the Genovese crime family and who later was convicted of a mob murder.

Like other Democratic county leaders, Mr. Lynch has worked largely behind the scenes. But he was forced into the public eye in November when federal agents raided his business as part of a corruption inquiry.

The investigation has offered a glimpse of how closely Mr. Lynch has worked with developers, even before he retired from elective office in 2002. The New Jersey Legislature is considered a part-time job, and beginning in 1993, Mr. Lynch began supplementing his State Senate income by running a consulting firm named Executive Continental.

Mr. Lynch explains Executive Continental's mission as helping developers win government approvals for their projects. If they succeed, the firm is paid a colorfully named "success fee."

Federal investigators are now poring over the records of more than 50 deals involving strip malls, housing complexes, urban renewal plans and waterfront developments shepherded by Mr. Lynch and his partner in Executive Continental, Jack Westlake, according to court documents.

Mr. Lynch said that his work with developers is not only legal, but also good for the state because he promotes the kind of projects that help improve the communities, including providing badly needed housing for low and middle-income people. He described his role as a political "choreographer" who provides clients with nothing more than strategic advice.

"I'm probably the most investigated person in New Jersey," said Mr. Lynch, 67, who still has the wiry build and bulldog tenacity of a welterweight. "But anyone who says we were buying approvals or doing anything improper to help our clients get them is ridiculous."

Mr. Lynch also dismisses the suggestion that his work contributes to suburban sprawl, saying most of his projects are in cities or in the state's so-called transit villages in downtowns and represent smart growth.

"I'm not involved with paving over farmland or developing on open space," he said. "The state has to have some development, so you try to achieve a balance. That's why I'm proud of what I'm doing."

But opponents of sprawl say a combination of campaign funds and political influence has driven New Jersey's penchant to build, helping to make it the most densely populated state in the nation.

"When it comes to the pay-to-pave system of development in New Jersey, John Lynch is king," said Jeff Tittel, director of the New Jersey Sierra Club, which has opposed Mr. Lynch and his clients on dozens of development projects around New Jersey. "In parts of the state, you can't build unless you hire one of the lawyers or engineers or construction companies he's aligned with because you won't get the government approvals."

A Languishing Project No More

One example of Mr. Lynch's converging interests is a strip mall in Brick, called The Power Center. It was originally proposed by Mr. Morris, a developer who frequently hosts Mr. Lynch on his yacht and jet and has given hundreds of thousands of dollars to his political committees. In 2003, Mr. Lynch was brought in as partner in the languishing project and soon his political action committee began donating tens of thousands of dollars to the mayor of Brick and other local Democrats.

The project, JSM at Brick, quickly won approval from local officials, and the town's mayor, Joseph Scarpelli, was hired as a consultant by an engineering firm working on the project.

Mr. Lynch said that their donations were a mere coincidence, unrelated to the development. Mr. Morris has declined to be interviewed over the last month. Mr. Scarpelli has explained that he did not know Mr. Lynch had a stake in the project and later quit the consulting position, saying he wanted to avoid a conflict of interest.

In other projects, such as the JSM at Hickory project in Dover Township, Mr. Lynch does not have an ownership stake, but he and Mr. Morris together gave $65,000 in donations to mayoral candidate Paul Brush in early 2003. Once he was elected, Mr. Brush embraced the plan and appointed one of Mr. Lynch's allies to the local planning board. The project's newfound support on the local level helped JSM at Hickory win two state zoning changes, even though hundreds of community residents had rallied against the development.

Mr. Lynch said that the donations were intended solely to strengthen the Democratic Party, and had nothing to do with the development.

"I don't even know where that project is," Mr. Lynch said during a recent interview.

Mayor Brush said that his support for the proposal was based on its own merits.

State officials said JSM at Hickory has been moving ahead because it will help the town meet its obligation to build affordable housing. But some local residents say they feel as if local officials sacrificed their quality of life for campaign contributions.

"It was stopped until they came through with all the money," said Frank Kenny, who organized community opposition to the plan. "Then it was like we didn't even exist."

"Wheeling" Across New Jersey

At the center of Mr. Lynch's political network is his political action committee, New Directions for Responsible Leadership, which raises and distributes hundreds of thousands of dollars, much of it from developers and government contractors. State election records show that since 2000, the PAC has distributed $3.1 million across the state, sometimes funneling it from one county to another , a practice known as 'wheeling,' which allows donors to legally give more than the $37,500 limit. Mr. Lynch has discretion over how that money is distributed, with the flexibility to reward those he favors and punish those who stand in the way of his agenda.

But Mr. Lynch's lawyer, Jack Arseneault, said Mr. Lynch was civic-minded in allocating campaign money.

"He's not one of those old-style political bosses who call up and try to affect policy just to line their pockets," Mr. Arseneault said. "I don't think you can find a single instance where John Lynch has directly interfaced with government officials on his own in order to financially benefit his pockets or his clients."

Those politicians he favors can benefit handsomely. James E. McGreevey was a green, little-known state senator from Woodbridge in the early 1990's when Mr. Lynch recognized his intelligence and discipline as a campaigner and adopted him as a protégé and potential gubernatorial candidate.

After Mr. McGreevey was elected governor in 2001, Mr. Lynch continued in his role as strategist and helped to choose key cabinet members and chart the administration's agenda.

The current investigation into Mr. Lynch's business actually stems from a deal that took place in the months between Mr. McGreevey's election and inauguration, when two of Mr. McGreevey's aides used their positions on his transition team to pump up the value of a billboard company they sold at a $2 million profit. Federal investigators are examining whether their actions were a conflict of interest, and in the course of that inquiry began looking at Mr. Lynch's influence in the administration.

In an interview, Mr. Lynch revealed that his firm, Executive Continental, received a small consulting fee when one of the billboards was sold.

Unfettered Access to Power

After the inauguration, Mr. Lynch could frequently be seen walking into the governor's office to discuss appointments, budget matters, development projects and other state business. One of Mr. Lynch's law partners, Al Kroll, was named labor commissioner, helping the firm's efforts to gain prestige and attract clients among unions.

As Mr. McGreevey became hobbled by a variety of self-inflicted political wounds, his relationship with Mr. Lynch soured. In 2003, Mr. McGreevey distanced himself from his former mentor and Mr. Lynch began to publicly criticize the governor he had helped create.

"He was more concerned with being liked than being respected," Mr. Lynch said at the time. "And you just can't lead that way."

Mr. McGreevey, who resigned in August 2004 amid a sex scandal, did not respond to requests for an interview.

But for all the criticism Mr. Lynch has received, there are those who insist he is simply playing by the free-wheeling rules of New Jersey politics, and being singled out because he has been so successful.

Joseph Ferriero, the Bergen County Democratic chairman, said it is unfair that he, Mr. Lynch and other Democratic leaders are maligned for aiding developers, who play a crucial role in the state's economy by providing affordable housing and creating tens of thousands of jobs.

"It's no different than a congressman lobbying for a defense contract in his district or supporting farmers in a rural district," Mr. Ferriero said. "A county chairman tries to take care of his own constituency. And John tries to do what's best for the people in his county and the whole state."

Since Mr. Lynch's falling-out with Mr. McGreevey, many Democratic insiders say that he has become somewhat withdrawn from public life. He has suffered from a back ailment and prostate cancer.

Mr. Lynch and his wife, Deborah, are also busy building a rambling estate in Lawrenceville, near the New Jersey governor's mansion, which is said to have a room large enough to seat 100. ("It's Deborah's house," he said. "You'll have to ask her.")

He played almost no role in Mr. Corzine's governor's race, and many aides to Mr. Corzine privately questioned his support. Mr. Lynch said he is willing to back Mr. Corzine as he embarks on an ambitious new agenda to close the budget gap, lower property taxes and curb the influence of money in politics.

"If Jon Corzine wants to do the right thing, and lead, I'll be behind him all the way," Mr. Lynch said.

Pay to play ends today

Jonathan Tamari — Tue, 3 Jan 2006 16:37:22 -0500

Home News Tribune
Jan 1, 2006

TRENTON - County and local governments will begin to be subject to pay-to-play restrictions today, when a state law approved in 2004 takes effect.

The approximately 60 municipalities and counties that have their own 'pay-to-play' regulations can keep their own rules in place, even though a bill explicitly allowing them to do so has not been signed, said a spokesman for acting Gov. Richard J. Codey.

"The ordinances in place will remain in place," even though Codey has not yet signed a bill protecting local ordinances, said Codey spokesman Sean Darcy.

Codey expects to sign the bill protecting local rules by Jan. 9, Darcy said. The state law, signed June 16, 2004, takes effect Jan. 1, the day many municipalities hand out contracts to professionals such as lawyers and engineers at reorganization meetings.

The pay-to-play laws are meant to restrict contracts to large political donors by barring contract-holders from making donations to certain politicians and committees and blocking governments from awarding contracts to donors.

Heather Taylor, a spokeswoman for the Center for Civic Responsibility, a good-government organization, said Thursday she is not concerned about the gap between when the state law takes effect and when Codey signs the bill protecting local rules, which are sometimes more stringent.

The protection for local regulations is needed mostly in case of a court challenge, Taylor said.

"It's not like they suddenly get unwritten off the books' today," she said.

Reform advocates had raised fears that the state law taking effect today would overrule the local regulations and urged lawmakers to approve a fix by the end of 2005. The Senate passed the bill unexpectedly in early December, sending it to Codey.

The bill before Codey permitting local restrictions says 'any ordinance, resolution or regulation in effect on the effective date (of the state ban) shall remain in effect.'

Lawmakers have said the state pay-to-play law is not meant to usurp tougher local limits.

Taylor said towns still have control over their contracts, even while they await Codey's signature on the law protecting local regulations.

For the roughly 500 municipalities and 19 counties that don't have pay-to-play restrictions, the law taking effect today bars contracts over $17,500, unless they're awarded after a "fair and open process," from being given to a business entity that made a donation to the elected officials involved or their political party committee.

But critics say the law has many loopholes. The definition of the fair process is left to local governments to decide.

Partners in a business, such as a law firm, owning an interest of 10 percent or less aren't covered. And donors can still give to political parties at the county level or neighboring towns and still keep a municipal contract.

ATLANTIC HIGHLANDS COUNCIL INVITED TO MAKE APPLICATIONS OPEN FOR CITIZEN BOARDS

Allan Dean — Tue, 3 Jan 2006 16:34:39 -0500

Atlantic Highlands Herald - Dec 29, 2005

ATLANTIC HIGHLANDS, NJ - Benson Chiles, a member of the Atlantic Highlands Planning Board, has invited the Mayor and Council of Atlantic Highlands to embrace a policy of Open Appointments to its boards, committees and commissions and he offered a process to implement such a plan. Under an initiative of the Center for Civic Responsibility, Metuchen, Chiles has provided the town with two documents; a Model Open Application Ordinance for unfilled vacancies, and the second a Model Application for Citizen Boards and Commissions.

Chiles said in an email message, "A number of municipalities have already passed similar ordinances and I think it would be great if Atlantic Highlands would join with them."

Pay-to-play curbs inch forward

Jean Mikle — Tue, 3 Jan 2006 11:18:28 -0500

Home News Tribune
December 27, 2005

For citizen activist Frank W. Kenny III, 2005 was a pretty good year.

Kenny and four other Dover Township petitioners were instrumental in placing an anti-pay-to-play referendum on the municipality's November ballot.

They were happy when the question was approved by an overwhelming margin and even more pleased this month when the state Senate approved a bill that ensures local pay-to-play laws will not be superseded by a less-restrictive state law that takes effect Jan. 1.

"Some people still don't understand pay to play, but, after the last 24 months, there is more awareness," said Kenny, 49, who spent hours standing outside Dover strip malls, speaking to residents about the benefits of the referendum and collecting signatures.

In Asbury Park, the City Council adopted an ordinance that bans developers seeking approvals for projects from making political contributions. It is the third anti-pay-to-play ordinance to be adopted in the city.

"The important part of this is that it sends such a clear message that developers are going to be more concerned, not about how it's ultimately addressed in our legal system but how they fare in the court of public opinion," said Asbury Park resident David Christopher, who worked with his wife, former City Councilwoman Kate Mellina, and fellow resident Pam Lamberton to win approval for the ordinance.

Dover Township and Asbury Park were just two of the municipalities where the influence of money in politics took center stage in 2005, as citizen activists collected signatures on petitions, lobbied governing bodies and tried to educate other residents about pay to play.

Lauren Skowronski, executive director of Common Cause New Jersey, said more than 60 municipalities throughout the state have adopted anti-pay-to-play measures, including the Central Jersey communities of Edison, Monroe, North Brunswick, Old Bridge, Sayreville, South Brunswick, Woodbridge and Franklin. Two counties, Mercer and Cumberland, have also adopted measures.

Thirty five of those municipalities have adopted an ordinance supported by Common Cause, which not only limits the amounts professionals and their firms can donate before they receive government contracts but also goes a step further, banning contributions during the life of a professional's contract with a municipality.

But Skowronski said more still needs to be done.

"There is a great need for stronger pay-to-play (limits) in the towns," she said. "I think New Jersey has come a long way on the whole ethics issue, but we still have a long way to go."

The new state ethics law that takes effect next month has already drawn criticism because it does not require that professional service contracts of $17,500 or more be subject to competitive bidding.

Instead, the law says municipalities can choose to hire professionals under a "fair and open" process, which simply means communities must prepare specifications for professionals, advertise those specifications publicly and award the contracts in public.

The law allows each governing body to define what the fair and open process will mean, wording that has already resulted in a political squabble in Dover, where the Republican Township Council and Democratic administration are arguing about which group has the right to prepare the specifications.

"The biggest problem we have is that ethics reform on the state level always seems to fall short of accomplishing the job," Marlboro Mayor Robert Kleinberg said. "They always leave these huge loopholes."

Kleinberg, whose township has been at the center of a massive FBI investigation into municipal and political corruption this year, said Marlboro has been making big strides to restore ethical government on the local level. But he said that neither state nor local laws can completely prevent political corruption.

"In a civilized society, there is only so much government can regulate," Kleinberg said. "What it ultimately comes down to is the integrity of the people we elect to public office."

Common Cause New Jersey and its affiliate, the Center for Civic Responsibility, this year created the Citizens Campaign, a grass-roots civics lesson aimed at teaching citizens about the workings of government, with the goal of encouraging them to become more active in local politics.

Skowronski said Common Cause and the Citizens Campaign will continue to push for comprehensive pay-to-play reform, public contracting reform and public financing of campaigns.

"We have to keep pressure on Gov.-elect (Jon) S. Corzine to keep good on his promise," Skowronski said. "We need to make sure that he and the Legislature keep the momentum going for strong pay-to-play reform at all levels of government."

Corzine's platform includes creating the new elected office of the state comptroller, a position with duties including the ability to perform investigations of government officials, conduct regular audits and performance reviews of all state departments and agencies, and investigate complaints about fraud, waste and mismanagement of state funds.

State Sen. Ellen D. Karcher, D-Monmouth, said that while strides have been made to limit the influence of political contributions by professionals who receive government contracts, she is still concerned that not enough has been done to cut the amount of developer money entering election campaigns.

"We have changed the nature of the debate, but there is a lot of work left to do," Karcher said.

She said Corzine has indicated he will support a bill she sponsored that would limit contributions by developers and redevelopers to candidates and office-holders, as well as political party committees, legislative leadership committees and continuing political committees.

Citizens Newsletter 1.4

Fri, 23 Dec 2005 11:14:23 -0500

CITIZENS' CAMPAIGN UPDATE
December 23, 2005

MODEL ORDINANCE UPHELD

The Citizens' Campaign Developer Disclosure Ordinance was upheld in a recent court challenge in Hoboken.

Over the past several years, major redevelopment projects have been tainted by the appearance of undue influence of large campaign contributions. This case has upheld the right of citizens to know if large campaign contributions or sound public planning is driving redevelopment work.

"This ruling is a victory for the thousands of citizens that have been passing pay-to-play reform and developer disclosure ordinances across the state," said Harry Pozycki, Chairman of the Citizens' Campaign.

Under the law, developers seeking variances, waivers, or exceptions from a municipality's conventional development regulations - and developers seeking development approvals of any sort within the redevelopment zone - are required to disclose how much campaign cash they gave to elected officials, political committees, and political parties.. . .

. . .

MODEL ORDINANCES PASSED IN TOWNS THROUGHOUT NEW JERSEY
Our goal for 2005 has been met! Dozens of citizens in all corners of the state, stood before their town councils, demanding that integrity be maintained & restored to the political process. We have now successfully passed model ordinances in over a quarter of towns (& counties) throughout New Jersey! Pay-to-Play reform, Open Appointments Law, Developer Disclosure, and the newest - Redevelopment Pay-to-Play reform are examples of our model ordinances presented by everyday people.

But the push is not over. If you have not already presented one of our model ordinances before your local elected officials, please call Lauren at (732) 548-9798 x6 and make the commitment to take part in the elimination of corruption in our state. You alone can make a change!
. . .

PAY-TO-PLAY ORDINANCE PRESENTED IN EAST BRUNSWICK AND IRVINGTON

Long time East Brunswick activist and Campaign Headquarters staff member Karen Schneider was well received by the East Brunswick council when she presented our model Pay-to-Play reform ordinance. Prior to her presentation, the council had been proactive by setting aside a Pay-to-Play reform advisory committee. Mrs. Schneider emphasized that the Citizens' Campaign model closes two loop holes that exist in the state level Pay-to-Play by: 1) setting contribution limits for any professional service contract, whether given through a no-bid or the loosely termed "fair and open" process, and 2) preventing wheeling by limiting contributions to the local parties AND county parties.
Campaign member Steve Rutkowski of Irvington presented the same ordinance before the Irvington council. If passed, Irvington would lead the way by being the first municipality in Essex County to adopt this important reform.

. . .

NEWARK AND TRENTON

Planning continues for the Newark Civic Health Survey Release on January 11th, the Newark Town Hall meeting on February 4th, and the Neighborhood Empowerment Task Force meeting in early February. Urban Coordinator Alysia Welch-Chester also met with Father Brian McCormick, head of the Martin House in Trenton, regarding empowering city residents.

To volunteer or find out how you can get involved, contact Alysia Welch-Chester at alysia@jointhecampaign.com or 732-548-9798 x 2.

. . .

WHAT'S NEW ON OUR WEBSITE:

SIGN UP FOR A FREE POWER CIVICS TRAINING.
Did you know that you can take power in your local government? Take one of our two-hour courses and learn how! In 2005 we've taught over 1000 New Jersey residents about COST FREE LOCAL POSITIONS WITH REAL POWER. Go to http://jointhecampaign.com/pages/?pg=training_main to learn more.

THE FORUM is still up and running. Want to find out what's going on in your area? Post a message and ask! http://www.civicresponsibility.com/ccr_forums/

Did a friend forward this to you? Get your own FREE subscription right now -- all you have to do is sign up at JoinTheCampaign.com to subscribe! Go to http://jointhecampaign.com/pages/?pg=connect&adm=add

. . .

CHAIRMAN'S CORNER

On November 29, Board Chairman Harry Pozycki was a guest speaker at the annual meeting of The Council on Governmental Ethics Laws (COGEL) in Boston. COGEL is a professional organization for government agencies, organizations and individuals with responsibilities or interests in governmental ethics, elections, campaign finance, lobby laws and freedom of information. Harry served on a panel to discuss pay-to-play issues along with other nationally known experts. While in Boston Harry met with Board of Trustees member Derek Bok, President Emeritus, Harvard University who Chairs the Center's Civics Education Task Force. Be on the lookout for some new and exciting initiatives being planned for 2006. Harry joins the members of the Citizens' Campaign in wishing everyone a happy and healthy holiday season and new year.

Asbury City Council adopts third pay-to-play ordinance

Nancy Shields — Fri, 23 Dec 2005 10:24:50 -0500

Asbury Park Press

ASBURY PARK - Developers are banned from making political contributions in the city up to a year before they undertake a project. If they do, they're banned from working in the city for four years.

The City Council voted 3 to 1 late Wednesday night to adopt Asbury Park's third pay-to-play ordinance, this time closing the door on contributions from developers. The vote came after council members created some drama in their discussion as to whether the measure actually would pass.

One problem is the new law does not ban the lawyers, engineers, planners and other professionals who work for developers from making contributions.

City Attorney Fred Raffetto said the professionals could not be included in part because the city cannot directly control those people working for the developer. But the law does penalize the developer if the company funnels contributions through its professionals, its lawyers, engineers and planners.

"Even though you can't design this so that it covers every legal loophole, just passing it sends a strong message, and any effort to thwart that will bring enough negative public opinion to influence developers to do the right thing," said resident Dave Christopher, who along with his wife, former Councilwoman Kate Mellina, and resident Pamela Lamberton, had worked with the Citizens' Campaign to get the new contribution restrictions enacted.

"What I think this does is it sends a clear message that that type of politics is not welcome in Asbury Park," Councilman Jim Keady said. "We're raising the bar and hope other municipalities will follow suit."

And Councilman Ed Johnson, who argued most strongly in favor of passage when the council's approval seemed doubtful Wednesday night, said: "Yes, there are loopholes but I don't believe doing nothing is addressing the issue. We really do need it in a town where development is going on. . . . It's not perfect. It will never be perfect."

The Citizens' Campaign group, which seeks to reduce the influence of money in politics, sees Asbury Park as a leader statewide in banning contributions from developers because of the significant development projects that still need to be done in the city. Similar laws have been approved in Hightstown, where Raffetto has served as attorney, and by the Mercer County Board of Freeholders.

The new ban will be incorporated into any new agreement with a redeveloper and into any existing redeveloper contract if the developer wants to amend it, Raffetto said.

The measure was approved after it first appeared that the vote might be put off.

Deputy Mayor Jim Bruno voted against the pay-to-play ban, and said he agreed in part with arguments put forward by Tom DeSeno, a city lawyer and friend of Bruno, who claims the ban is unconstitutional.

DeSeno has a contract with the city to do workers' compensation cases that come up, and is restricted on how much he can give to candidates' campaigns or city and county political committees.

"You're voting to restrict the speech rights of certain individuals," he said, adding later that the city "is setting yourself up for a constitutional challenge."

Heather Taylor, spokeswoman for Citizens' Campaign, said the developers' professionals do have to disclose under the current law and the possibility of losing a contract in the city seemed like a strong incentive for developers not to funnel money through their professionals.

Keady, Johnson and Loffredo approved the new ban. Bruno voted against it.

At first Keady seemed willing to put a vote on the measure off until January.

Johnson argued that the time was now.

"Some seats up here became empty because of it. I don't think you're going to have a magic bullet on pay-to-play. I don't think this is the solution but it's a step toward the solution," Johnson said.

Loffredo, who supported the measure, said: "No matter what we do, there will always be somebody trying to get to someone."

Raffetto told the council that by trying to tighten up the ordinance to make it more restrictive, it could push the city closer to the constitutional issues involved in pay-to-play.

Becoming Empowered in the Political Process

Jeffrey T. Kaszerman — Thu, 22 Dec 2005 17:11:52 -0500

New Jersey CPA
November/December 2005

The New Jersey Society of CPAs has long encouraged its members to be politically active -- going beyond voting regularly and occasionally contacting representatives on key issues.

Many CPAs want to expand their level of political involvement. Often, a particular issue at the local level energizes them to action. However, they typically find the political process bewildering. CPAs may not see many of the seemingly "invisible" forces at work. And they may not fully understand their legal rights which can, in fact, facilitate their participation in the process.

To many New Jerseyans, running for office or organizing citizens to petition their officials seems an intimidating and mysterious undertaking. But it doesn't have to be.

The Citizens' Manual - Paths to Power for Regular Citizens is a guide written by Harry S. Pozycki of the non-partisan Center for Civic Responsibility. This manual is available as a free Internet download and gives you all the tools you'll need to become politically involved and understand how the process "really works." The book's introduction is excerpted below.

Introduction to The Citizens' Manual

"Citizenship means more than voting and paying taxes. In a representative democracy, a citizen's responsibility is to be actively involved in public life.

Yet, study after study has documented the decline of citizen participation. For several decades, each generation has been less engaged in politics and public affairs than the generation that preceded it.

Today, citizens are increasingly removed from the public square. People view government and politics as an inaccessible game of money players and professional politicians. As a result, they feel increasingly powerless over the policy decisions that affect their lives.

Part of the reason for this disengagement is that people lack the knowledge needed to be effective in the political arena -- to turn their ideas into practical action. To move from a spectator to a participant in our democracy requires understanding your rights as a citizen and how to use those rights in a constructive and responsible manner. Yet, the skills required for active citizen participation are not taught in our schools and adults have no place to go to learn them…

The best place to learn how to be active citizens is closest to home in our own communities. Local government decisions determine how high your taxes will be, how safe your neighborhoods will be, the quality of the public schools, and the quality of the environment in your town…

The manual is organized into ten chapters. Chapter One discusses the three main power centers of town government -- the elected council or committee and mayor, the school board and the planning board. It highlights the rights that are most useful to citizens as they attempt to influence the decisions made by these critically important government bodies. Chapter Two highlights the hidden power center -- the local political parties. In most communities, the local political parties play a central role in public affairs, and understanding how they work and how to get involved in them can help citizens realize their policy goals…

Chapter Three provides a step-by-step guide on how to develop a sound, responsible proposal to present to the relevant government body. Chapter Four offers a detailed guide to making an effective, respectful presentation to a local government body. Chapter Five provides a road map to constructive citizen action, including the use of the media to get your message across to the public and decision-makers and involving your fellow citizens. The goal of Chapter Six is to highlight the power of the vote…

Chapters Seven through Ten provide a detailed summary of citizens' legal rights organized by power center as well as additional background on the power centers themselves."

From Common Sense to The Jungle to Unsafe at Any Speed, "mere" books have often sparked political action and revolutionary change. But Mr. Pozycki isn't depending on print alone: In June 2005, he announced the Citizens' Campaign, which sponsors trainings to help individuals put these ideas into practice. To read The Citizens' Manual, attend a training, or for more information, or for more information, visit www.jointhecampaign.com.

Excerpted from The Citizens' Manual - Paths to Power for Regular Citizens, with permission from Harry Pozycki, Copyright c 2005.

Asbury Park pay-to-play ordinance faces vote tonight

NANCY SHIELDS — Wed, 21 Dec 2005 09:29:04 -0500

Measure banning contractors' contributions expected to pass
Posted by the Asbury Park Press on 12/21/05

ASBURY PARK - Developers looking to make money in the city will be banned from contributing to the political campaigns of elected officials or their challengers under a new pay-to-play ordinance that is expected to be passed tonight.

The City Council will hold a public hearing at 7 p.m. on the proposed law, which makes such political contributions a violation. A developer, if caught, would be banned from participating in city projects for four years.

The council previously approved two pay-to-play measures, one outlawing political contributions from lawyers, engineers and other professionals who get contracts with the city, and a second requiring developers who give to political campaigns to disclose such contributions to city boards hearing a project application.

"This is different in that it protects the redevelopment process by banning contributions from those who seek to do the redevelopment work," said Heather Taylor, spokeswoman for the Citizens' Campaign, a group seeking to reduce the influence of money in politics and which worked closely with the city and its attorney, Fred Raffetto, to get an ordinance in place.

"It's going to fall on local decision makers to protect the public interest, and this is significant because the council is moving on its own, and really setting an example for other municipalities with large redevelopment projects," Taylor said.

Similar measures have been approved in Hightstown and by the Mercer County freeholders.

"This is a very up-and-up council," Councilman John Loffredo said Tuesday. "We don't have any qualms passing a pay-to-play ordinance."

Some developers associated with the city's rebuilding or their associates contributed to the successful re-election of four council incumbents in May. The campaign, which received more than $60,000 - far more than needed for a local race - returned those contributions, even though they were legal at the time.

Some challengers in the May elections also received contributions from competing developers.

Deputy Mayor James Bruno said he's "probably going to vote for it (the ordinance)" tonight, but expressed concerns about how developers could be prevented in the end from making contributions.

"Now you're going to get politicians who are going to be tempted by cash under the table," he said.

According to wording in the ordinance, political contributions affect the trust of residents and taxpayers in their elected officials who make decisions on such matters as tax abatements, zoning densities, eminent domain and publicly funded infrastructure improvements.

The ordinance requires a developer to give the city a sworn statement that no political contribution was made before the city approves a redevelopment agreement.

Resident David Christopher and his wife, former City Councilwoman Kate Mellina, and resident Pam Lamberton have lobbied for the new measure. Mellina is the Monmouth County co-chairperson of the Citizens' Campaign.

"When you adopt this, you announce your intention of running things on the level - there will be public pressure on anyone looking to get around it," Christopher said at a November council meeting.

Bruno said Tuesday the city's elected officials are honest and have an important relationship with its current redevelopers.

"If we lose, they lose," he said. "And if they fail, we fail."

"People automatically think that if you're on council and accept money for a campaign that you're doing something wrong or illegal but that's a perception thing," Bruno said. "They think all politicians are thieves. Not all of us are."

Council mulls over appointments ordinance

Kathy Chang — Thu, 15 Dec 2005 13:12:06 -0500

Metuchen Sentinel - Dec 14, 2005

METUCHEN - Borough officials are considering an ordinance that would give residents more of a chance to serve on local boards and commissions.

Borough council members and Mayor Edmund O'Brien discussed the measure proposed by the Citizens' Campaign, an initiative of the nonpartisan, Metuchen-based Center for Civic Responsibility at the Dec. 5 council meeting.

"The initiative [of the ordinance] will be beneficial to all the towns," O'Brien said. "But let's take it one step at a time and see what's out there."

Deborah Spigner of the Citizens' Campaign presented a model ordinance, which she said could result in a broader base qualified applicants.

"By considering the ordinance, you can send a message to other towns," she said.

The Citizens' Campaign has already presented the ordinance to Plainfield, Sayreville, Woodbridge and Jackson townships.

"Plainfield has already adopted the ordinance," said Rachel Pittard, Citizens Campaign's education coordinator.

The ordinance will foster open government and provide citizens with information about appointed municipal positions, said Spigner.

The ordinance outlines procedures for residents who want to serve in a particular appointed position, she said.

The ordinance also mandates that interested residents be notified when a position is open and what final action was taken, Spigner said.

"I think we do that right now, we have a Web site and The Messenger," said O'Brien. "Collecting résumés is beneficial, but I don't think we need an ordinance to let people know."

The Messenger, a borough publication, is on the borough's Web site and is sent out in the mail twice a year to residents.

"I'm not opposed to the ordinance," said Councilwoman Catherine Totin. "The council's perrogative is getting volunteers to volunteer. Many of the boards have vacancies. Applications and vacancies are given to the borough clerk, but have not been a success. This might give us something."

Councilman Richard Weber suggested a timetable of when meetings are for each vacancy.

"Since volunteering is a big time commitment, maybe we can get information available for when meetings are," said Weber.

In other business, the council accepted a bid for the Central Avenue traffic-calming project from Marvec Contractors, even though the $355,417 bid was higher than the engineer's estimate.

"We knew that the price wouldn't go down, and it would probably go higher if we waited," said Borough Administrator William Boerth.

There is no definite start date for the project, he said.

"If there is a stretch of time of good weather, we may decide to start then, but it's definitely weather dependent," Boerth said.

Students Briefed on How to Win Local Party Committee Seats

Thu, 15 Dec 2005 13:09:14 -0500

Eagleton Institute of Politics
Fall/Winter 2005

Get involved in one of the most powerful, yet least understood, aspects of politics: the political parties.

That was the charge to a diverse group of women who attended a workshop at Wood Lawn on Thursday, October 27, to learn about the role of local parties and find out how to run for a party committee seat.

The event was hosted by the Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) and the Citizens' Campaign. The women in attendance were past participants of Ready to Run™ and NEW Leadership ™, CAWP programs designed to encourage women to get involved in politics.

Rachel Pittard and Alysia Welch of the Citizens' Campaign led a lively discussion about the role of New Jersey's local political parties. Most of those present were not aware that local political parties select and endorse candidates, raise campaign funds and fill legislative vacancies. Welch, who successfully ran for a seat in the Mercer County Democratic Committee, assured the participants that it doesn't take a huge war chest to become a political party committee member. "This is a great way for younger people to enter electoral politics and get to know their local elected officials," said Welch. Moreover, because half of all committee seats are reserved for women by law, local party committee seats can be excellent launching pads for women interested in future elected positions.

The workshop provided specific information and tools necessary to run for political party committee seats, listing the basic requirements for running, explaining where and when to file a nominating petition, and offering tips for campaigning.

The Citizens' Campaign, created by the Center for Civic Responsibility, aims to "provide everyday Americans with the legal tools and political training they need to take responsibility for rebuilding our civic infrastructure at the local, state and national levels." For more information, go to www.jointhecampaign.com.

Tribute to citizen action

Editorial — Wed, 14 Dec 2005 09:38:12 -0500

Asbury Park Press - Dec 13, 2005

Finally. Maybe our legislators do listen to the public.

What better way to explain why the Senate last week unanimously approved a bill allowing tough local pay-to-play ordinances to stand when a weaker state law takes effect next month. The Assembly version of the bill was approved more than a year ago. Acting Gov. Codey, a sponsor of the bill as Senate president, should waste no time signing it.

But Trenton's work to restrict the influence of money in politics is far from over. The legislators shouldn't wait for Gov.-elect Jon Corzine's promised comprehensive pay-to-play reform package. Legislators should make banning pay-to-play - the practice of rewarding campaign contributors with no-bid government contracts - their own legacy and vote on pending bills that would restrict it at all levels of government before their session ends in January.

The Democratic leadership in the Senate refused to take action on S-1987 all year, usually citing a preference for a comprehensive pay-to-play ban. Meanwhile, campaign contributions flowed like water in this year's Assembly races. But more than 50 municipalities - many of them responding to demands by citizens - have adopted their own pay-to-play laws. Referendums in Dover and Edison townships received overwhelming support. Legislators had to feel the pressure to act.

The Senate vote is a tribute to citizen action. 'We owe these individuals who provided so much work . . . those citizens who we encourage every day to get involved in local government. They did,' said Sen. Joseph Vitale, D-Middlesex. Now is no time to let up. Keep up the pressure until top-to-bottom pay-to-play reform is achieved.

Senate votes to preserve local pay-to-play laws

Angela Delli Santi — Mon, 12 Dec 2005 13:24:06 -0500

Associated Press - Dec 8, 2005

TRENTON, N.J. (AP) - The state Senate on Thursday approved a bill allowing towns and counties to enact their own measures banning pay-to-play, the practice of awarding no-bid government contracts to political donors.

The legislation would preserve 60 municipal pay-to-play laws and two countywide provisions that otherwise would be superseded by a weaker state law set to take effect Jan. 1. Proponents say such laws help cut government waste that drives up property taxes.

"I am gratified and relieved that after rebuffing my previous attempts to do so, the Democrats finally succumbed and did the right thing to protect and authorize local governments' good-faith efforts to curb the corrupt practice of pay-to-play," said Sen. Peter Inverso, R-Hamilton, a proponent of banning pay-to-play at all levels of government.

Inverso called the measure a positive step toward reform.

The bill, which passed 34-0, with six senators not voting, now goes to acting Gov. Richard J. Codey for a signature. Codey on Thursday called the bill "a tremendous victory for our taxpayers."

Harry Pozycki, who heads the Center for Civic Responsibility, applauded the bill's passage.

"It means citizens' hard work has been vindicated," said Pozycki. "It also allows citizens to keep the pressure up for a comprehensive ban on pay-to-play."

Gov.-elect Jon Corzine campaigned on a promise to rid the state of pay-to-play. His transition office said Corzine supports the legislation.

"For too long, pay-to-play has cast a pall of corruption over the New Jersey political landscape," said Sen. Joseph Vitale, D-Middlesex. "For as long as anyone can remember, special interests have flooded campaigns with cash and purchased undue influence in our political system."

The Legislature last year passed a bill setting minimum standards curbing pay-to-play. The Democratic majority says a subsequent bill allowing municipalities to pass their own stricter pay-to-play bans was always intended, and that the state law was never intended to trump tougher local restrictions.

Assemblywoman Linda Greenstein, D-Hamilton, Assembly sponsor of the bill supporting the tougher municipal rules, said, "I am thrilled that it went through. It's a very important bill because it saves these very strong local ordinances until the day there is comprehensive statewide anti-pay-to-play."

Towns can crack down harder on pay-to-play

Mitchel Maddux — Mon, 12 Dec 2005 13:21:00 -0500

Bergen Record - Dec 9, 2005

Local governments would be allowed to create their own "pay-to-play" bans that are tougher than existing state laws under a measure that cleared the state Senate on Thursday.

The proposal, which cleared with bipartisan support, gives local governments and school boards the power to prevent some government contracts from going to political donors.

It passed 34-0, with six abstentions; the Assembly approved it Monday.

Acting Governor Codey, who backed the measure, is expected to sign it into law before he leaves office Jan. 17, officials said.

In a statement, Codey said the measure gives 'local governments the authority to crack down on corruption and enact laws that are suitable to addressing the individual needs of their community.'

More than 60 local governments statewide, including Ramsey and Hillsdale, have already passed their own pay-to-play laws.

If Codey doesn't sign the new bill before Jan. 1, those local laws will be canceled when a statewide pay-to-play law takes effect. That measure, enacted in 2004, effectively superseded local laws that were already on the books.
In some cases, those laws are tougher than the state ban, which was signed by former Gov. James E. McGreevey.

Lawmakers have been under pressure from grass-roots reformers to pass measures that would protect the stronger local bans.

Some argued that the reform passed in 2004 violated the state's tradition of home rule.

The 2004 measure grew out of a broader reform movement in recent years that sought to reduce the influence of money in state politics. The issue reached its zenith following a series of fund-raising scandals that engulfed McGreevey and some of his political allies.

Harry Pozycki, chairman of the reform group Center for Civic Responsibility, said the state Senate's action Thursday demonstrates that taxpayers voices were heard with increasing urgency in the State House.

"You're seeing a new climate developing as a result of four years of citizen action on the ground," he said.

Pozycki said all New Jerseyans will benefit from allowing local governments to enact their own bans.

"Pay-to-play generates the waste that pushes up property taxes," he said.

Republicans have been critical of the state pay-to-play reform measures, which were crafted and approved by the Democratic-controlled Legislature. They argued that the reform measures had king-size loopholes, and failed to halt 'wheeling,' the transfer of large political donations between local and state party organizations. Critics say the practice allows political groups to effectively circumvent limits on donations.

Sen. Peter Inverso, a Mercer County Republican, said Thursday that these problems must still be corrected.

"While today's victory was significant, it is but a first step in restoring the public trust in government institutions," Inverso said. "This Legislature still has time to enact true and comprehensive 'pay-to-play' reform that affects all levels of government, and enact a law that ends the corrupt practice of 'wheeling.'"

Sen. Loretta Weinberg, D-Teaneck, a co-sponsor of the bill, said the vote sends an important signal about New Jersey's reform efforts.

Weinberg, a longtime assemblywoman who moved to the Senate last month to replace retiring Sen. Byron Baer, said the measure helps "ensure that public contracts are awarded to deserving and qualified businesses, not just those with an inside financial track."

Officials open to donor limits

Jason Nark — Mon, 12 Dec 2005 13:17:31 -0500

The Courier Post
December 12, 2005

Residents in Cherry Hill and Voorhees plan to present a "model" ordinance aimed at banning pay-to-play at each municipality's council meeting tonight, according to a news release from the Center for Civic Responsibility.

The ordinance, crafted by the Metuchen-based, nonpartisan group, has been used by other New Jersey municipalities seeking to limit pay-to-play, the practice through which political donors are rewarded with local government contracts.

'The ordinance we are presenting to the council members . . . will allow Cherry Hill to decide whether they want business as usual or honest and fair local government,' resident Doris Carey said in the news release.

Councilwoman Joyce Alexander Walker said on Sunday that she welcomes the citizens' input.

"I will be happy to hear what they have to say," she said.

Voorhees committeeman Dean Mazurek said the township is interested in banning pay-to-play.

"We've already gone through some ordinances on our own to tighten up the pay-to-play laws. We'll be happy to hear what they have to say," said Mazurek.

The Senate is allowing local municipalities to enact pay-to-play legislation stricter than the state law, which is scheduled to go into effect on Jan. 1, said Ed McCool, with the Center for Civic Responsibility.

Who Are the Lawyers Packing All the Clout?

LAURA MANSNERUS — Mon, 12 Dec 2005 13:11:39 -0500

The New York Times
December 11, 2005

TRENTON

WHEN Jon S. Corzine was the chief executive at Goldman Sachs, its principal outside counsel was the archetypal Wall Street firm of Sullivan & Cromwell, established in 1879. The firm serves a large clientele in global capital markets and employs more than 100 alumni of the Harvard Law School.

As the chief executive of New Jersey, Mr. Corzine will be looking at another - and far different - legal marketplace. Here, the most powerful law firms represent the Passaic Valley Sewerage Authority and handle bond issues for improvements on the Atlantic City Expressway. Their headquarters are in suburban office parks.

They are not Ivy League magnets but draw heavily from Seton Hall and Rutgers, whose alumni have their own networks in Trenton and in the state's 21 county courthouses.

But they, too, have made millions of dollars for their partners and, probably more important, their partners have made themselves known in the higher reaches of state government.

"They're the ones most often in the State House, most often leading the fund-raising campaigns," said Don Linky of the Eagleton Institute of Politics at Rutgers, who is a former chief counsel to Gov. Brendan T. Byrne.

Now, given Mr. Corzine's promises to end even the appearance of influence peddling in Trenton, many are watching to see if the constellation of the state's most politically connected lawyers - described alternately as civic leaders and fixers - will change. They wonder, too, whether political connections will matter in the new administration the way they did when James E. McGreevey was in the State House.

In recent years, the quickly ascending Democrats tapped into a handful of quickly ascending law firms, most lawyers say, led by DeCotiis, Fitzpatrick, Cole & Wisler, in Teaneck, and Scarinci & Hollenbeck, in Lyndhurst. Each is strongly identified with a single powerful partner: M. Robert DeCotiis and Donald Scarinci.

Of course, the list does not end there. Other politically involved firms include Hill Wallack of Princeton, which represents many developers and hired Paul Josephson, a former chief counsel to Mr. McGreevey; Weiner Lesniak, the law firm of State Senator Raymond Lesniak, which employed Mr. McGreevey briefly after he left office; Parker McCay, the home of Philip A. Norcross, a brother of the South Jersey Democratic leader George E. Norcross III; and McManimon & Scotland, which leads New Jersey firms in government bond business.

If these lawyers are not of the Sullivan & Cromwell mold, they are not "My Cousin Vinny" either. They arrange real estate transactions that often commit hundreds of millions of dollars of public money. About a dozen firms have a lock on bond work, a practically invisible but ever-growing business at every level of government.

These firms hire insiders from the top ranks of government service - from the governor's office, the Legislature, the Attorney General's office, and even former cabinet members. Finally, they make it their business to know officials in Trenton.

"If you place a call, are they going to take it or are they going to have an assistant call you back?" Mr. Scarinci said. "That's the litmus test for influence."

Mr. Governor, Let's Talk

Take M. Robert DeCotiis (one of four DeCotiises at DeCotiis, Fitzpatrick, Cole & Wisler) who can sit down with a governor to promote a billion-dollar development project, as he did with Mr. McGreevey on the Xanadu retail and entertainment complex rising in the Meadowlands and the ambitious waterfront redevelopment envisioned for Pennsauken.

Mr. DeCotiis declined several requests for an interview for this article. Another partner, William Harla, answered written questions, and although the firm would not discuss financial matters or identify clients, the New Jersey Law Journal reported in its annual survey that the firm's profits per partner, at $829,000 last year, were the highest in the state.

The 64-year-old Mr. DeCotiis a former chief counsel to Gov. James Florio, built a practice with his brother Alfred that now represents more than 100 public agencies. Michael DeCotiis, Robert DeCotiis's son and a partner at the firm, was a chief counsel to Mr. McGreevey - even while members of the firm, including his father, received audiences with the governor.

Mr. Scarinci has stayed out of government, though he is a powerful Democratic fund-raiser and a boyhood friend and confidant of Representative Robert Menendez. (His partner, Kenneth Hollenbeck, is a Republican, one of the few remaining in the most politically active firms.) The firm is also the home of Joseph Ferriero, the Bergen County Democratic chairman, regarded as one of the state's leading Democratic power brokers.

The soft-spoken Mr. Scarinci, 49, has recently taken a turn toward the scholarly, as the author of a biography of David Brearley, a framer of the Constitution. And the firm has also turned away from representing government agencies, which Mr. Scarinci says now account for less than 20 percent of its work.

Still, the firm retains a huge stake in the political influence it has achieved. "We know how to get things done," Mr. Scarinci said in an interview. "That's what you hire someone for."

Harry Pozycki, the chairman of the Citizens' Campaign, which advocates campaign finance regulation, and who himself is a former lawyer and Middlesex County freeholder, traces the growth of the favored firms to the discovery by party leaders that they could extract campaign contributions from lawyers if they could reward them with government contracts. Then, Mr. Pozycki said, party bosses went about creating the work.

In earlier decades, "The bigger firms were able to gain their work because they tended to be aligned with one major party more than another, but it was through networking," Mr. Pozycki said. "When pay-to-play became a science, the contribution became the major factor. The networking was done by check."

Now, Mr. Pozycki and others said, the bigger money comes from private clients.

Robert Bacso, the managing partner at Hill Wallack, put it this way: "The state has created an enormous bureaucracy, against which the average person or average company stands no chance without having an advocate who knows the system. We've had lots of homebuilders who have said: 'We have just had it. We won't work here anymore.' "

Mr. Bacso said it was his firm's experience with government agencies, rather than personal connections, that brought business.

Mr. Harla at the DeCotiis firm offered a similar comment: "Our firm has a number of individuals who have decades of experience and expertise with the workings of state and local government and regulatory programs. Clients seek us to represent them because of our experience and expertise."

Mr. Bacso said many smaller firms thrived on the same kind of business at the local level. Developers, retailers and other private clients "go to the local boy who's friends with the mayor and the town council," he said. The local boy's job "is effecting introductions," he said. "You have to know Assembly people and Senate people."

Money to Be Made

In a state where the hundreds and hundreds of municipal governments and local government authorities spend more than the state does, there is plenty of money to be made. At that level, legal politics is seamier, said a partner at one law firm who requested anonymity because he deals with government agencies.

The governing board of a local authority, for example, may have millions of dollars in legal work but little say in who will do it, the lawyer said. "You're getting it handed to you by your county chair or your local power broker because they decide who sits on these boards." he said.

At the same time, many lawyers note, the more influential elected officials who may choose their law firms often have close ties to them, and sometimes, if they are lawyers themselves, end up being hired by them.

For that matter, government service at all levels can lead to a quick career boost. "Look at all the money people make when they leave these jobs," Mr. Scarinci said. "Why do people take these jobs? They take them often with huge pay cuts."

Every state has its politically connected law firms, of course, and every law firm would like to have a hire from the governor's office. But in the clubby confines of New Jersey politics - most Manhattan firms know nothing like it - it is hard to ignore the party in power. And that is what keeps bringing lawyers' gossip back to the coming Corzine administration.

The self-financing Mr. Corzine has no campaign debts to pay, unlike Mr. McGreevey. One firm closely identified with the McGreevey administration was Wilentz, Goldman & Spitzer of Woodbridge, where Mr. McGreevey was mayor.

When he took office, Mr. McGreevey rewarded Wilentz with a new client, the enormous Turnpike Authority; he took it away from the Republican favorite Riker, Danzig, Scherer, Hyland & Peretti.

Still, Mr. Corzine already counts among his legal advisers several party loyalists from influential firms, including Mr. Josephson of Hill Wallack, who was counsel to the Corzine campaign, and Angelo Genova of Genova, Burns & Vernoia of Livingston, who has represented the Democratic State Committee for 25 years.

One state vendor, who did not want to be identified for fear of damaging his relationship with the new administration, said: "People are going to be watching: Does Angelo get state business? If he now gets state business, it's business as usual, Corzine rewarding his friends.

"Jon Corzine will take his call. That's the dilemma Corzine has: if he takes care of his campaign counsel and the state committee counsel, then it's business as usual."

If loyalty is measured by campaign contributions, business as usual may be conducted less baldly than it has been in recent years. Political contributions have slowed considerably since new restrictions on political fund-raising took effect in October 2004, prohibiting the award of no-bid state contracts to campaign donors - although individual lawyers may still contribute unless they own more than a 10 percent interest in their firms.

But many firms can coast on their recent records. The DeCotiis firm has given almost $900,000, mainly to Democrats, since 2000. It is topped only by Parker McCay, which is smaller than DeCotiis but has given more than $1 million in the same period, while individual lawyers at the firm gave another $200,000. (Philip Norcross, with $148,900 in contributions, accounted for most of that.) No other firms are even in the same league.

Moreover, it is not just direct donations from lawyers and law firms but also their fund-raising power with clients that counts.

'Permanent Government'

Jeff Tittel, the president of the state chapter of the Sierra Club, pointed to the Mills Corporation, a DeCotiis client and developer of the $1.5 billion Xanadu project.

"The subcontractors at Xanadu have given at least $4 million in the law few years, and Bob DeCotiis gets the political credit for that," Mr. Tittel said.

Referring to a dozen firms closest to recent administrations, Mr. Tittel said: "They're the permanent government of New Jersey. They're the ones who run New Jersey. They raise the money for the campaigns and they reap the benefits. The only thing that changes is who's the big kid on the block. One year it's DeCotiis, the next it's Parker McCay."

Some of the state's most connected lawyers - and biggest givers - deplore both the supply and demand for contributions. The DeCotiis firm declined to discuss its political donations. But Alfred DeCotiis told reporters 10 years ago, when the sums in circulation were much smaller, that "there is just too much money being raised," adding, "If you write a large check, you get to be well known in the party and you get a certain access."

Mr. Harla said in written comments, "Mr. DeCotiis remains of the view that there should be strict limits on campaign fund contributions."

Mr. Bacso at Hill Wallack said, more bluntly, "The last thing a normal person wants to do is give money to a politician."

Still, Mr. Bacso wrote a $25,000 check to the Democratic National Committee, which is not affected by the new state restrictions, to attend a fund-raising dinner in September with Mr. Corzine. So did two of Mr. Bacso's partners at Hill Wallack.

Also at the dinner were Clive Cummis of Sills Cummis Epstein & Gross in Newark, a longtime Democratic donor, and Herbert C. Klein, a former congressman and a partner at Nowell Amoroso Klein Bierman in Hackensack.

Mr. Linky at Eagleton said the club might not have the allure that it used to.

"I know lawyers who say, 'We don't want any part of government because it's so unseemly,' " he said. "And they don't want their names in the papers."

Politifax December 6

Wed, 7 Dec 2005 14:45:16 -0500

Politifax has given us permission to reprint their Around the State column.

Around the State

Essex
UNDECIDED. We wish we could report that we know what Sharpe James is up to with respect to running for a sixth term next year. But we also wish rainwater were beer, and the latter is more likely to come to pass before the former -- at least until the Newark Mayor wants us all to know. The New York Times reported last week that Cory Booker has about $3.7 million in the bank, while James has about half that much, that even people like Reggie Jackson and Steve Adubato won't venture a guess about what James is planning, that James has opened discussions with Essex County College about getting back his old job teaching Social Studies (a spot from which he took an unpaid leave back in 1986), and that the Booker campaign is already in high gear. That said, James enjoys being Mayor. So, who knows? Folks have become somewhat jaded with all the speculation and have turned to riper pastures. One story going around is that, if James does run, we may well see a Ron Rice versus Ron Rice Council race. Rice fils is already running. (He's even held a $25-per-head "Rally for Ron" fundraiser.) And Rice pere could very well end up on a James ticket -- if the Mayor runs again.

The Transition Watch
UNDER THE RADAR. So far what we have is an Ethics Advisory Panel, a Code of Conduct for members of transition advisory groups, and a batch of task forces, the members of which have folks reading tea leaves to see if they can discern a pattern and a prospective agenda. The one substantive political fact we've heard about the transition is that the Governorelect has reached out to Republican legislative leaders Leonard Lance and Alex DeCroce in search of an ongoing dialogue and some common ground.

The Assembly Rookie Watch
JIM WHELAN. The victor in the year's most expensive Assembly race (in Atlantic County's District 2), Whelan comes to the Legislature with two decades of experience at the municipal level. He was an Atlantic City Councilman (1982-90) and Mayor (1990- 2001). His day job both before and after his three terms as the city's chief executive has been as an elementary school swimming teacher in the Atlantic City system. His first choice for a committee assignment -- Tourism and Gaming -- is hardly a surprise. His other requests were for Commerce, Housing, and Local Government. The Democrat's overriding goal ("Sometimes the stump speech is true," he says.) is "fundamental change in our overreliance on property taxes."

JENN BECK. The only Republican to defeat an incumbent Democrat this year (in District 12, which is centered in Monmouth but includes a sliver of Mercer), Beck has been a legislative staffer (for Joe Azzolina), a lobbyist (with the MWW Group), and, currently, a marketing executive (with QualCare). She has also been the lone Republican on the Red Bank Borough Council, a spot she intends to keep, since her first election in 1999. Beck's priorities for committee assignments are Transportation and Environment.

AMY HANDLIN. The central figure in one of the cycle's major melodramas, Handlin took the GOP nomination in District 13 (Monmouth and Middlesex) from Joe Azzolina with the support of just about all the major Monmouth players. A professor of marketing at Monmouth University since 1991, she has been a Freeholder since 1990, but will resign that post to assume her new one. She previously served as a member of the Middletown Township Committee (1987-90) and as Deputy Mayor. Handlin's interest in committee assignments are State Government and Environment.

EVELYN WILLIAMS. Not exactly a rookie in the same way as the others listed here, Williams succeeded to Donald Tucker's District 28 seat, via County Committee election, after the Assemblyman's death and his posthumous reelection. She spent 35 years as a trade instructor in the prison system, along the way becoming the first black woman president of a PBA local,and serves today as Director of Social Services at the Essex County Juvenile Detention Center. She's served as president of the Newark Board of Education and as an Assembly aide to both Tucker and Willie Brown. Currently Williams is South Ward Democratic Chair. Her preferences for committee assignments include Education, Health, Judiciary, Labor, and Senior Issues.

CHARLES EPPS. A career educator in the Jersey City system since 1967, Epps earned an EdD degree from Rutgers in 1983. After serving as a teacher, supervisor, principal, and Associate Superintendent, he was appointed State District Superintendent of the state's second-largest system by the State Education Commissioner in 2000. The Hudson Democrats chose him to run on the line against incumbent Tony Chiappone in District 31, a race Epps won handily. His requests for assignments are on the Health, Transportation, and Senior Services committees.

GARY SCHAER. Born in Philadelphia and raised in Pennsauken, Schaer was the Democrats' choice for the Passaic seat in District 36 in Bergen, Passaic, and Essex. (Paul DiGaetano had held this spot in a largely Democratic district, but vacated it when he ran for Governor.) An investment counselor by day, he's been a Passaic City Councilman for 11 years, eight of them as Council President. Schaer's committee requests include Budget, Transportation, Appropriations, Government Relations, and Health.

VALERIE HUTTLE. Huttle won nomination to a District 37 seat (12 Bergen municipalities) at a county convention where she was picked to succeed Loretta Weinberg, who moved up to the Senate in what was a major victory for Jon Corzine over Joe Ferriero. Huttle, a funeral director whose father served a term in the Assembly from Hudson in the 1980s, has been a Freeholder since 2000 (and Chair of the Board in 2003-04). Her tenure there was marked by some public disagreements with Ferriero. And that war is far from over. For example, Huttle needed a County Committee vote to take her seat during lame duck. Ferriero called the meeting, but neglected to make much of an effort to get people there. The outcome was that fewer than half the number of people required for a quorum showed up, so the seat will remain vacant until January unless there's another gathering. Her preferences for committee assignments are Health, Regulated Professions, Appropriations, Human Services, and Commerce.

Senators have chance to deliver on pay-to-play election promises

Steve Landfield — Mon, 5 Dec 2005 16:39:20 -0500

New Jersey Jewish News
December 1, 2005

Even before Jon Corzine takes office as governor in January, Democrats in the New Jersey Legislature have the chance to prove that it's no longer business as usual in Trenton. But it's unclear if they're going to take advantage of this chance.

During the lame-duck session that begins on Dec. 8, the Senate will be called on to enact legislation to make sure that local pay-to-play ordinances are not superseded by the weaker state law scheduled to take effect on Jan. 1. Senate Bill S-1987 has been ready for more than a year; the measure already passed the state Assembly.

But it's unclear if the Senate will take action. In spite of three years of political scandals and a gubernatorial race that ended with a laser-like focus on ending the culture of corruption in Trenton, legislators are finding reasons not to vote on the bill. The latest excuse is that they wish to defer to incoming governor Corzine, who has promised to make pay-to-play reform a priority.

Pay-to-play amounts to little more than legally sanctioned corruption. Let's assume, for example, that local Democrats need to raise money for a reelection campaign. In a typical scenario, solicitations for a reception or dinner are sent out to lawyers, engineers, and other businesses that party officials appointed to do work for the town. Naturally, those contractors, acting in their own self-interest, come up with thousands of dollars in campaign funds to pay for their benefactor's reelection campaigns. Once the incumbents are safely back in office, those elected reward contractors who made contributions with no-bid government service contracts.

You might think, "What's the harm? Shouldn't elected officials be able to appoint the people they know they can work the best with since they will be held accountable?" In truth, the lowest costs and greatest economic efficiency are achieved by competitive bidding. Failure to require bidding means taxpayers almost always pay more than they should for these services.

Back in March, state legislators patted themselves on the back for passing what they claimed was one of the toughest ethics laws in the nation, intended to limit the influence of campaign contributions on the awarding of government contracts. The legislation formalized restrictions contained in an executive order put forth by former Gov. James McGreevey in the last days of his scandal-ridden administration. In reality, that law has so many loopholes that it could be printed on Swiss cheese instead of parchment.

That law fails to attack the practice known as "wheeling," a means of getting around contribution limits. It permits a donor to give campaign contributions to one county political organization, which then transfers it to another, rendering reform meaningless.

And most importantly, the legislation dealt only with state contracts, but not with those at the county or municipal level, where pay-to-play is an accepted form of business.

The state legislation was so lacking in teeth that as the ink was drying, one of the attorneys who helped draft it was already giving advice to political donors about how to circumvent the new law.

In the wake of those shortcomings, more than 50 municipalities went ahead and passed their own local pay-to-play restrictions. In some cases these local laws also have voter support, as in Edison, where the measure was placed as a referendum on the ballot, passing with the support of more than four out of five voters last month.

Unless the Senate acts in December, these strong local laws could be superseded come January by the state's new weaker law. That would be a slap in the face of local legislators and voters, who supported these needed political reforms.

Although Senate President and acting Gov. Richard J. Codey is a cosponsor of the bill, he has not posted it for a vote. Instead, Codey's spokespeople only say that it's "definitely something he's looking into."

Why the hesitation on Codey's part? The likely answer is because he doesn't believe he has the votes in the Democratic-controlled Senate to pass the measure. Legislators talk a good game, but when it comes time to back it up with action, they don't want to give up their influence and ability to reward their pals and contributors with no-bid deals.

These days, with the legislature in Democratic hands, they have the most to benefit, but the Republicans were no better. They did absolutely nothing about the problem of pay-to-play when they controlled the State House during the administration of former Gov. Christine Todd Whitman.

Instead, the Senate has the chance now to take meaningful action to pass enabling legislation to allow local officials to make up on their own for Trenton's shortcomings. To deny them this authority is nothing more than an exercise in hollow rhetoric and a slap in the face of reform-minded local lawmakers and the voters of this state.

Steve Landfield's column appears regularly in NJ Jewish News.

Voters plan to have their say

TOM LOUNSBERRY, Courier-Post Staff — Mon, 5 Dec 2005 13:48:20 -0500

HADDON TWP.

When the electorate doesn't get involved, an elected official can make his or her own judgment about what is good or bad for a community, sometimes not knowing if that reflects constituents' views.

One solution for the public is to become politically savvy and learn how to get their message across to their municipal lawmakers.

A seminar held this past weekend at the William G. Rohrer Library taught people to do just that.

The session was one of several the Center for Civic Responsibility sponsored across the region.

The 14 people who attended this particular seminar say they will organize grass-roots movements to help ensure their elected officials know just what they want.

"It's like being a long-distance runner," said Ed McCool, a campaign coordinator for the Center for Civic Responsibility. "Politicians know that a sprint runner will run out of steam after a couple of weeks, so they don't put much into what they say or do. But a distance runner is in it for the long haul and will be there watching and evaluating what the elected official does and doesn't do."

The main thing is to get involved, McCool said.

"Do your homework in advance and be prepared," he added. "Do not be judgmental in your presentation, just put out the facts. The last thing you want to do is to alienate your elected representative who will have to act on it."

Pat and Andrea Monahan of Haddon Township attended to learn about how municipal governments use eminent domain.

"It is our understanding that it is to be used for the good of the general public, not to help some business make a better profit," Pet Monahan said.

Mike Campbell and Mickey Walker, both of Deptford, wanted to learn how they can convey their concerns about the proposed construction of three Wal-Marts in the township to the right elected officials.

"I moved my family from South Philadelphia seven years ago," Campbell said. "I thought we had an idealistic lifestyle until Wal-Mart wanted to build in my backyard. Now we're challenging them in court, and (municipal government) doesn't seem to be hearing our concerns."

Reach Tom Lounsberry at (856) 486-2470 or tlounsberry@courierpostonline.com